Between the lines of what Sir John said about Trump

Presidential endorsements have become significant news especially after Jeff Bezos, the billionaire owner of The Washington Post, overruled his editorial board to quash the newspaper’s endorsement of Kamala Harris.

Some have suggested this does not necessarily show ideological support for Trump but is in keeping with other newspaper proprietors who avoid an endorsement, especially of Kamala Harris, due to fear of reprisals should Trump win.

Leaving that chilling thought aside let’s return to an endorsement of Trump much closer to home.

In an interview, former Prime Minister Sir John Key told Stuff 3 News presenter Samantha Hayes that he not only felt Trump could win but that he should win.

This speaks volumes for politics on the right and is deserving of a little more consideration than it has received. This is primarily because a former New Zealand Prime Minister, claiming to be on the centre right is now hitching himself to a man who for many represents the emergence of American fascism.

It is often unhelpful to throw around such terms, but I ask you to seriously consider that this is indeed what Donald Trump represents. Even if we ignore the close allegiance between the MAGA (Make America Great Again) movement and the US Alt-Right—very simply, a rebranding of neo-Nazi and white supremacist movements—various commentators on fascism point to Trump’s politics disturbingly echoing a politics supposedly delegitimised in the 1940s.

What is a fascist? Fourteen characteristics of fascism were set out by the Italian cultural critic, political and social commentator, Umberto Eco in his essay ‘Ur-Fascism’ published in 1995 in the New York Review of Books.

He acknowledges that the term meant different things to different people, but “in spite of this fuzziness, I think it is possible to outline a list of features that are typical of what I would like to call Ur-Fascism, or Eternal Fascism. These features cannot be organised into a system; many of them contradict each other, and are also typical of other kinds of despotism or fanaticism.”

Despite the fuzziness, it is a useful guide. The first characteristic of fascism that Eco describes is the cult of tradition. This is central to the Trump movement and encapsulated in the MAGA slogan. It is evident in Trumpists’ animosity to the teaching of history—black history in particular—and in his sanctimonious allegiance to heteronormative families.

Second is a rejection of modernism that sees the Age of Reason as the beginning of the decay. We can see this in Trump’s opposition to science, evidence and facts, as well as his opposition to the separation of Church and State, evidenced by his embrace of Christian Nationalism, and the validation he takes from being viewed by evangelicals as something akin to the Messiah.

Third is action for action’s sake, coupled with a hatred for intellectuals. A keystone of Trump’s persona is that he gets things done. Things that others wouldn’t dare, such as the Muslim ban or the border wall. While other, weaker leaders are thinking, consulting and taking advice Trump just does things. He is America’s last action hero. At least, according to the mythology.

The fourth characteristic Eco identifies is that disagreement is treason. No criticism is tolerated. Irrespective of what Trump does, unity and fealty are required, both by him and those within the MAGA movement.

Fifth is the fear of difference. Nowhere is this better characterised than in the racism and xenophobia specifically targeted at immigrants, or his vilification of transgender people.

Sixth is the way fascism feeds off social frustration. Trump rides high on resentment, especially the resentment over a lost past, or of social privilege challenged. He also actively feeds a sense of victimisation. The ‘witch hunts’ against him are often likened to the ‘woke’ liberals trying to destroy the conservative way of life.

Seventh is nationalism and a common origin. We see this in the policies of economic protectionism and political isolationism. The slogan ‘America First’, regularly used by neo-Nazi and white supremacist groups before him is another rallying cry. This also involves the sense of a plot against the ‘real’ America. This can be seen in Trump’s own views about the ‘Deep State’ or the rampant conspiracy theories among his supporters.

Eight is a variation on six, where good people feel humiliated by the wealth of their enemies. As if he actually has any interest in the average American worker, Trump likes to play up his contempt for the ‘coastal elites’ who have no sense of the struggle of ‘real‘ Americans.

Eco’s ninth characteristic expands on this, making life itself a struggle. Amongst Trump supporters the fascistic idea that hard times breed hard men can regularly be heard. Trumpism is all about strength. That is why his call to ‘Fight! Fight! Fight!’ immediately after the attempted assassination resonated so much. Trumpism is rooted in a sense of permanent warfare.

Ten is a contempt for the weak. Despite the critiques of coastal elites, Trumpism rides on an aristocratic philosophy—supported by the likes of Elon Musk and Peter Thiel—that society is inherently flawed and can only be saved by a few strong men of great intellect.

Eleven says everyone is educated to become a hero. Nothing exemplifies this more than Kyle Rittenhouse who, after being acquitted for murdering two people at a Black Lives Matter protest, appeared on every conservative media outlet where he was presented as the persecuted real American who was only defending law and order.

Twelve is machismo, which is manifestly evident in Trump’s infamous boast that he ‘grabs [women] by the p***y’, and his wider war on women’s reproductive rights. Trump’s politics are firmly in line with the gender politics of the white nationalist movement that sees women as mothers and the domestic lynchpin of the nuclear family.

Thirteen is selective populism, which means that a particular group of people get to define what the nation is and what it means. In the land of Trumpism progressives and ‘leftists’ are described as ‘scum’.

Fourteen is the use of “Newspeak”, the official language of propaganda described by George Orwell. Here Trumpism is defined by its presentation of news they don’t like as lies, falsehoods and fabrications, and its commitment to a world that does not exist, one in which Trump was the victim of a stolen election.

So, Sir John endorses Trump because he claims he will be good for the economy. Really? In a Wall Street Journal Economic Survey from October, the consensus of 50 economists was that interest rates, inflation and debt will all go up under Trump. So what does Sir John mean? Nowadays, ‘good for the economy’ simply means it is good for a very small class of people, primarily the one per cent of the population that Key is allied with.

Trump will indeed be good for them. Key talks of the expected tax cuts that only ever move wealth upwards and the deregulation that will supposedly free innovation but further entrenches corporate power. And speaking of innovation, Sir John sits on the board of Palo Alto, a cybersecurity firm dependent on the greatest technological innovation of the age: the Internet, a technology funded by US tax dollars and developed by the state.

What really disturbs me in all of this is that it’s becoming increasingly apparent that significant figures we normally consider part of the mainstream are prepared to publicly hitch their wagon to something as dangerous as Trumpism, because it offers advancement and enrichment for the corporate class. Today, our leaders seem to think increasing their wealth justifies anything.